By Wayne Allensworth
The vibe of this presidential election is different. Something’s in the air, the almost tangible sensation of a seismic political shift. This election does not fit the pattern that the usual suspects expect or anticipate. The political realignment that began with 2016 is playing out with the neocons returning to the leftist fold from whence they came, with many of the most prominent neocons endorsing Kamala Harris in the presidential race. Meanwhile, former Democrats like Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Tulsi Gabbard have left that party to support Trump.
But something else is more ominous for the Blob, that conglomeration of pod people in the media, academia, the bureaucracy, and globalized business. It is a something that portends unexpected shifts in their political world, shifts that challenge their assumptions. For some time, Rasmussen polling’s Mark Mitchell has been reporting that nearly 30 percent of surveyed black voters consistently support Donald Trump across multiple polls, as do nearly half of Hispanic voters.
Some other interesting trends: Majorities of people who attend Christian services support Trump. Evangelical Christians support him overwhelmingly. Trump is doing better among Jews and even Muslims than anyone might expect. Meanwhile, Harris is polling strongly among atheists, by numbers of 80-85 percent in Rasmussen’s polls. Trump voters are concerned about the border and immigration and the economy, and tend to see the Democrats, not Russia or China or “domestic extremists,” as the greatest threat to democracy. They tend to support Israel, but do not support more billions in foreign aid. And they don’t care much about Ukraine. Harris supporters tend to care most about “abortion rights,” and “protecting our democracy,” meaning getting rid of Trump. Core Trump supporters are working class and lower middle class, people without college degrees. Core Harris supporters, on the other hand, are higher-income with college and graduate degrees. On a question concerning just who respondents think best represents their views on “gender,” not surprisingly, those who support the Democrats said Harris, while those who support the GOP said Trump.
The traditionally Democrat-leaning Teamsters Union’s decision not to endorse a candidate, as the membership tends to back Trump, tells the story of the working class. Battered by mass immigration and globalization, and alienated by woke insanity, it continues shifting away from the Democrats. The movement is so epochal that even the establishment media is noticing. The New York Times published a piece by David Leonhardt this week that told the tale of what the author called the Democrats’ “political misdiagnosis” — an overestimation of race as a political factor, for one thing, and the false assumption that the working class is firmly Democratic for another. The Blob’s political prognosticators were off center on both counts.
The Democrats had thought demographic changes making America more “diverse” would automatically mean a steady leftward shift towards a national politics like that of California, Leonhardt noted. But things are not quite working out according to plan: Key Democratic minority constituencies are shifting right, a shift most noticeable among black men and among all voters of the working class; i.e., those without college degrees. An important sign, Leonhardt wrote, are shrinking margins of support for Harris as compared to Hillary Clinton in a Times-Sienna poll survey. Among Hispanics, non-college voters have drastically shifted their preferences away from the Democrat candidate from 41 percent in 2016 to just 16 percent this year. Among blacks with no college degrees, the shift is from 87 percent to 63 percent. Even blacks with college degrees have significantly changed their preference: In 2016, 83 percent supported Clinton, but the latest survey showed 65 percent backing Harris.
Leonhardt wrote that the Democrats’ “misdiagnosed” the importance of racial identity, overestimating its importance as compared to other factors. Harris is garnering less support than Clinton among non-white voters. Of course, Harris still carries a majority of blacks and Hispanics. But, Leonhardt observed, a majority is not enough for Harris to win. She needs a landslide victory among those two key groups. Traditionally Democrat-leaning minority groups are expressing more skepticism about the party as well. The Times-Sienna poll, for instance, showed that only 21 percent of working-class Hispanic voters said that Joe Biden’s economic policies had benefited them personally, compared to 38 percent who said that Trump’s policies had. Black men have especially struggled under Biden, shifting toward Trump at a rate higher than black women. Leonhardt noted that more black and Hispanic voters are coming to view the Democrats as the establishment party, and see Trump as the anti-establishment candidate, an outsider who better represents their interests.
Leonhardt also wrote that the Democrats had overestimated the “progressive” tilt of minority voters. Many of them are “uncomfortable” with the “speed of change” on “gender issues,” for example, and, like their white counterparts, want the government to spend more time taking care of the home front and less time wrapped up in foreign affairs. These voters are also concerned about crime. On top of that, more than 40 percent of black and Hispanic voters support deporting illegal aliens. Leonhardt further noted that 36 percent of Hispanic college grads and 46 percent without degrees support the construction of a border wall.
The Democrats are in trouble with non-college Americans — about 65 percent of adults in the country — across the board. Democratic core support is among liberal/leftist whites with college degrees, especially graduate degrees, living in the suburbs. As noted by Rasmussen’s Mitchell, upper income Americans tend to trend Democrat.
Let me translate Leonhardt’s observations: The core of the Democrats’ support is among pod people who work in the bureaucracy, at trans-national corporations, in the leftist mainstream media and academia, and among pathological empaths, a significant portion of whom make up the militant Che Guevera wing of the party. It’s a globo-leftist coalition that shares little in common with working people or anyone with a commonsense world view. The Blob attempts to stoke up racial tensions by relentlessly pretending that America is a uniquely racist country. It does that to hold together a shaky coalition of white globo-leftists and minorities, directing their rage especially at working class whites, who have been the biggest roadblock on the path to a globalist utopia. But as the managerial nature of the Blob’s pod people class and the pure insanity of its left wing become more evident, the old tried and true race card is no longer as effective as it once was.
The Blob’s propaganda machine has intensely targeted Donald Trump as a “fascist,” a “dictator,” a “racist,” an “isolationist,” and a “nativist.” Trump is not a managerial type. He is a throwback to a proprietary ownership class that has been replaced by a new class of corporate managers in business and administrators in government, as James Burnham noted more than 80 years ago in his book, The Managerial Revolution. Trump’s mentality is one of ownership and attachment. It is particularist and hardheaded in a common-sense, bottom-line sort of way. His mentality is the polar opposite of that of the technocratic pod people, who believe the entire world can, and should, be managed by “experts,” credentialed careerists who no longer have a sense of patriotic attachment to or ownership of a home country, a view that extends to a rationalizing, corporate view of business.
For the pod people, “the economy” is not the servant of the country, it’s the country that serves the economy. Their reference points are abstract and transnational. Homogenizing, rationalistic bureaucracy tends to flatten out peculiarities in particular nations and communities and break down traditional social structures that act as a brake on the Blob’s lust for all-encompassing power. Trumpism is the enemy of everything the Blob strives for.
When asked about former President Barack Obama’s lamentations about the “brothers” not supporting Harris to the extent they should, J.D. Vance said that his family’s experience of leaving its Appalachian home to work in industry in what was once the country’s industrial heartland was very similar to that of blacks migrating from the South to Michigan to work in the auto industry. Vance’s life experience is also much closer to that of minorities than that of Obama or Harris. And Trump? Since his emergence as a political bull in a China closet in 2016, a disrupter who represents a deadly threat to the Blob and its system, his popularity among minority voters, especially among black men, has steadily increased. Trump is brash, confident, flashy, assertive — and when the late Jim Brown supported him, I sensed that the great running back saw something of himself in the former reality TV star. I believe that the androgynous pod people and loony militant pathological empaths are as off-putting to men like Brown as they are to me and mine.
The America First coalition is based in the white working and lower middle classes, but extends to a significant part of minority working class voters.
Call it the coalition of the sane.
Chronicles contributor Wayne Allensworth is the author of The Russian Question: Nationalism, Modernization, and Post-Communist Russia, and a novel, Field of Blood.
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